Thursday, May 14, 2009
US interference in Indian elections amounts to gross insult to 700 million Indian voters - By Ghulam Muhammed
Thursday, May 14, 2009
US interference in Indian elections amounts to gross insult to 700 million Indian voters
Imagine 700 million Indian voters, standing in queue under blazing sun, throughout the summer month in Parliamentary elections, finding a foreign state trying to rob their votes by throwing sticks and carrots to see that the government that forms out of the aspirations of the masses, should better be what the US wants it to be.
The recent visit of US chargé d'affaires A. Peter Burleigh to L. K. Advani, Chandra Babu Naidu and Chiranjeevi is a blatant and gross attempt by the US to trivialize the democratic aspirations of Indian people and interfere in the elections at the most crucial stage, when the votes have gone from the hands of the millions of voters and is now passed into the hands of the wheelers and dealers and horse-traders that are least trusted by the people at large.
A widespread belief is favourite with the cynics that now the candidates will be bought in hard cash and it is that group that has deeper cash resources, will finally form the government.
Role of corporate sector and foreign powers like the visits of Mukesh Ambani and US charge d’affaires is being seen as timely to provide the wherewithal to clinch the deals with all and sundry.
In the case of the US envoy, a further sinister element is visualised of possible threats to one side or other, in conjunction with the promises of goodies to follow. D. Raja has openly declared on TIMES NOW that the questionable visit of the US envoy is on behalf of the CIA.
People of India have legitimate interest to see that all such moves are exposed and brought into public domain. This is the only way; trust can be restored in our government and in our democratic system of change of government.
It would have been in the fitness of the things, the Election Commission code of conduct should have been extended till the final stages of formation of the government and all such attempt to sabotage people’s mandate should have been nipped in the bud, as soon as any such moves are detected.
After all, conduct of free and fair elections is meant eventually to ensure that a government is formed that abides by the wishes and mandate of the people and that the process is not hijacked by notorious ‘regime change’ experts that have scant regard for the teaming people of India.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
www.ghulammuhammed.wordpress.
Labels: Indian elections, Sabotage of 700 million Indian voters' mandate, US - the regime change expert
Congress’ infidelity By Kuldip Nayar - Deccan Chronicle
| Congress’ infidelity | |
| By Kuldip Nayar | |
| Friday, May 08, 2009, 12:00 [IST] | |
Backwardness of Muslims is a sad commentary on the Congress which has been in power at the Centre for over 50 years. | |
Political parties in India have proved beyond doubt in this Lok Sabha election that their primary objective has been to attain power. They have adopted the most unbecoming methods to try to increase their number without any sense of guilt. They pushed out issues and replaced them with personal attacks and whatever else suited. The polity has remained fragmented as the idea of India has become more distant. The ruling Congress has been the biggest sinner. It has stopped at nothing to try to be victorious. It has had no compunction in using criminals, communalists and casteists for garnering votes. Money and liquor was no taboo for them. The Congress has seen to it that Ottavio Quattrocchi, an Italian and known to be close to Congress president Sonia Gandhi, is off the list of those who received payoffs for buying Bofors guns from Sweden. The CBI, a department under the prime minister’s office, has withdrawn the “wanted” notice from Interpol. This move has besmirched the face of the Congress. Secular claims The party’s claim to be secular does not wash because it has not implemented even one recommendation of the government-appointed Sachar committee report which pointed out last year that the plight of Muslims was worse than that of Dalits. Indeed, the party brings secularism to the fore only during the polls and forgets it after coming to power. Backwardness of Muslims is a sad commentary on the Congress which has been in power at the Centre and in most states for more than 50 years since independence. Yet the Muslims do not seem to have many options. They cannot vote for the BJP which is out and out Hindu. The community may vote for two or three main regional parties which are said to be emerging as the king makers. The regional parties become important because they would provide the numbers to enable any party or a combination to reach the magic figure of 272. If the Congress and the BJP fail to cross the 300 mark together, the regional parties may bid for power — which means roping in either the Congress or the BJP. Where will UP Chief Minister Mayawati fit in this scheme of things is difficult to say. Muslims constitute 15 per cent of some 700 million voters and can make a difference in at least 200 seats. But its earlier tendency to vote for a winnable candidate against the BJP has got dissipated. There are several secular parties claiming the community’s vote. Mulayam Singh’s Samajwadi Party in UP and Lalu Prasad’s RJD in Bihar have been getting most of the Muslim votes. But of late Muslims seems to be moving towards the Congress which was their first choice till 15 years ago. Sensing this, the party has gone it alone in UP and Bihar even though it has destroyed the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) which gave it a majority. The party has jettisoned Mulayam Singh who helped the Manmohan Singh government survive the vote of confidence some six months ago. Similarly, Lalu Prasad who has stood by the Congress has been told that he may not be included in the cabinet if the Congress returns to power. One thing the party has proved: Infidelity thy name is Congress. Again, it is the Congress which made it difficult for the communists to continue in the UPA. The nuclear treaty with the US was crucial for both — for one, it meant nearly the membership of the nuclear club and, for the other, it indicated New Delhi’s strategic alliance with Washington. The communists have founded the Third Front. But it is tragic that their present strength of 62 may go down to 45 when they need the numbers the most. The communists have shown their anger against the Congress by declaring that they would not mind the BJP coming to power. BJP nurtured its allies In comparison, the BJP has nurtured its allies well. Except Orissa’s Biju Janta Dal which left the National Democratic Alliance on its own, the rest of the constituents have stayed with it. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar is a difficult customer. He can join hands with the Congress if it means tasting power at the Centre. The NDA has added one more ally, the Asom Gana Parishad, which is not large, but it shows how keen the BJP is to have outside support to the maximum possibility since every member will count in what looks like the closest contest since independence. The BJP is conscious that the 80-year old L K Advani does not appeal to the youth since as many as 23 million are such voters. Rahul Gandhi, 38, sells better. But his stock has not yet risen so high that he can be chosen prime minister despite the efforts of his mother. His press conference can spell out the party’s strategy but not bring votes. If the Congress wins, Manmohan Singh would be the prime minister and could withdraw in favour of Rahul Gandhi later. Yet the main challenge which Indian political parties will face after elections is how to accommodate the nation’s diversities in the political structure. Problems have been left unsolved for years. The National Integration Council cannot bring about emotional unity. The issue continues to be how to string together the local and regional forces for the central idea of India. A federal structure can only tie up loose threads. New Delhi has to decentralise power and cannot stay smug or suppress aspirations that different regions represent. It has to make them feel that their entity means a lot. | |
Labels: Congress's infidelity, Indian Muslims, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Sonia Gandhi
Where the Muslims count - By Prakash Patra - Express Buzz | Atankgarh, also known as Azamgarh - Kajari Bhattacharya
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Where+the+Muslims+count&artid=WjVLy5I||qs=
&SectionID=XVSZ2Fy6Gzo=&MainSectionID=oHSKVfNWYm0=&SectionName=m3GntEw72ik=&SEO=
Uttar%20Pradesh%20and%20Bihar,%20Nitish%20Kumar%20and%20Lalu%20Pra
Where the Muslims count
First Published : 13 May 2009 01:57:00 AM IST
Last Updated : 13 May 2009 02:18:30 AM IST
Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, where the minority Muslim community plays a decisive role in successive electoral outcomes, are witnessing an interesting social churning. There is a scramble for the Muslim vote by all key actors in the two states — Mayawati and Mulayam Singh in UP; Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad in Bihar. The Mandal movement had resulted in the emergence of a formidable combination of Muslims and Other Backward Castes (OBCs) under the leadership of Mulayam in UP and Lalu in Bihar. But times have changed.
In UP, as the 2007 Assembly elections showed, a minimal shift in the minority community resulted in Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) capturing power on its own. In Bihar, it was the consolidation of most backward castes and non-Yadav OBCs that resulted in Nitish’s Janata Dal(U) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) thwarting the three-term rule of Lalu’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). In this Lok Sabha election, while Mulayam is working overtime to win over the minority to counter Mayawati’s social engineering effort of 2007 to bring together the Dalits, Muslims and Brahmins, Nitish is fast emerging as a champion of the backward Muslims in Bihar, posing a serious threat to Lalu’s formidable Muslim-Yadav combination.
Coming to UP, Mayawati’s think-tank may attribute her victory in the 2007 Assembly polls to social engineering, but the reality is different. People cutting across caste, community and religious affiliations voted decisively in favour of Mayawati to end the perceived misrule and lawlessness of the Mulayam tenure in office. Neither the Congress nor the BJP was seen as a party that could bring in a strong government in the state. A look at the composition of Mayawati’s MLAs proves the point. Her MLAs come from all communities — the majority from non-Yadav OBCs (of 51, she has only four Yadavs). In Mulayam’s 27 OBC MLAs, there were 17 Yadavs. But when it comes to Muslim votes, despite the surge against Mulayam, 21 of his Muslim candidates could win, as against 24 candidates of Mayawati.
It is natural for Mulayam to try hard to win over the minority community as well as other non-Yadav communities to make a major dent. Contrary to popular perception that the minority votes en-bloc, the community vote in UP does get split. There is no doubt that the community perceives the BJP as its enemy, but a sizeable section of Muslims, particularly Dalits, have been supporting the BSP which had hobnobbed with the BJP for power on several occasions.
Mulayam, who used to be dubbed as ‘Maulana Mulayam’ for his strong posture on the Babri Masjid-Ram Temple dispute has been facing a serious threat to his base.
Political expediency made Mulayam welcome former CM Kalyan Singh, the leader who had undergone imprisonment after owning responsibility for the demolition of Babri Masjid, twice to his fold. Mulayam wants the support of Kalyan’s backward Lodh community that has a decisive say over 10 Lok Sabha seats. No matter what Mulayam’s critics within the party like Azam Khan say, the fact is that Khan and Kalyan’s son were part of Mulayam’s Cabinet until 2007. Kalyan, who has left the BJP for the second time, now says that he has ‘dug the grave’ for the BJP and now it’s for people (read the minority community) to bury the party there.
Coming to the Muslims of UP, a distinction is sought to be made between mainstream Barelvi Sunnis who constituted nearly 70 per cent of population and Wahabis who are in a minority. Aware that vocal Wahhabis are beneficiaries of political patronage, be it of the BSP or SP, both sides have now started wooing non-Wahhabi Sunnis.
In Mayawati’s scheme of things, Wahhabis enjoy a prominent role. Mulayam, on the other hand, has given more Lok Sabha tickets to non-Wahhabis and has been making promises to safeguard their interests.
The tussle among Wahhabis saw a section of the leadership asserting itself in the Azamgarh region where the Ulema Council, had fielded its own candidates to cash in on the anger of the community against victimisation of innocent youths, post-26/11.
The Muslims of UP are going through a kind of OBC movement, the most backward castes resenting the dominance of the politically and economically advanced backward castes.
The Congress, which has, over a period, lost the minority vote to SP, the Dalit vote to the BSP and the Brahmin vote to the BJP, has been trying to win over the minority community. The community is favourably disposed towards the Congress but the problem with the party is that it does not have a coherent political structure beyond pockets of influence like Amethi and Rae Bareli.
In Bihar, two obvious factors helped the JD(U)-BJP alliance come to power. The JD(U) had managed to create a base of non- Yadav OBCs over the years and provided a credible option to the Lalu-Rabri’s misrule.
Lalu, like Mulayam, had emerged as the darling of the minority community for halting L K Advani’s Ayodhya rath in Bihar and taking him into custody.
After Nitish came to power, he has made major overtures towards the minority, particularly among the pasamda (backward) Muslims. A series of steps like providing pension to victims of the Bhagalpur riots (which had marked the decline of the Congress), loan waivers, helping handloom workers (mainly Muslims), sanctioning funds for fencing of graveyards (a source of conflict among locals), giving scholarships to minority students, free bicycles for girls studying in the equivalent of 10th standard in madrassas and various other measures that benefit lower sections of Muslims have put him in good stead among the community.
Nitish’s popularity among the minority community could be gauged from the fact of the RJD’s minority cell leader and Paswan’s former state unit president joining Nitish’s party. The JD(U)’s Rajya Sabha member Ejaj Ali, a backward Muslim leader, has become his party’s mascot.
Now that Lalu and Mulayam are jointly campaigning, Nitish is aware of the fact that there could be a consolidation of the Muslim vote in their favour. During the campaign, an assertive Nitish has kept at bay its ally BJP, which could prove heavy baggage when it comes to minority votes.
Unlike the Shiv Sena and the BJP, he has condemned Varun Gandhi’s hate speeches.
Had it been any other state, the BJP, which is now taking a piggy ride on Nitish’s popularity, would have drubbed him for ‘minority appeasement’.
Being the target of vote bank politics is not new for the Muslim community in UP and Bihar. This time, the difference may be in the multiplicity of parties vying for their support. As to the question of how much difference this will actually make to the situation of the community itself, post elections — well, that’s another story.
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wednesday, may 13, 2009
Atankgarh, also known as Azamgarh
Nameless politicians & the siege within
Kajari Bhattacharya
AZAMGARH, March 24, 2009: Locals in Uttar Pradesh know Azamgarh as Atankgarh (place of terror). For this is the district that has had its name dragged into almost each and every arrest made of a terror suspect by anti-terrorism agencies in UP and other states. With their names tarnished, youths from Azamgarh are hostile towards strangers and refuse to reveal their names or have their pictures taken. “The ATS might pick us up next”, is the fear they voice. Now, a "Muslim political party, “born out of injustice”, has decided to take on other parties that have “used Muslims as a convenient vote bank”. The Ulema Council, a party consisting of maulanas of Azamgarh madrasas, doctors and others from this eastern UP district, is a newly formed party that has fielded candidates for five Lok Sabha seats ~ Azamgarh, Lalganj, Jaunpur, Machlishahr and Lucknow.
On the Gorakhpur-Lucknow road, the office has a telephone, packets of biscuits for any journalists who might drop by, and notices stuck to the walls with mobile numbers of the office bearers. The one thing missing is names. “We don’t want to reveal our names. And no pictures please,” said another young man, who suggested that his fictitious name could be "Salim" or "Rehman".
“Had it not been for the Batla House encounter and the way the Anti-Terrorism Squad hounded youths here, there would never have been the necessity of forming the Ulema Council,” said a young man in the Ulema Council’s brand new office in Sanjarpur. The president of the Ulema Council, Maulana Amir Rashadi, rector of the Jamaetur Rashad madrasa in Azamgarh town, attends to guests every morning at his office. “We want the harassment of the ATS to stop. They have to stop kidnapping innocent youths from our community,” said the Maulana, when asked what the agenda of the party is.
The Maulana’s disenchantment with the one party they have supported since Independence is evident when he says: “We have fielded candidates from both Rae Bareli and Amethi, as a mark of our hatred towards Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Mr Rahul Gandhi. It’s a symbolic fight against these two Congress leaders, who have refused to open an inquiry into the Batla House encounter despite our entreaties.” But even families like that of Arif, a 22-year-old youth from Sanjarpur, who was picked up from Lucknow by the UP ATS for his alleged involvement in anti-national activities, display apathy towards political outfits; even the Ulema Council. "Politics has become a business. We can only gauge if political parties are sincere after the polls; we will see if they keep their promises,” said Mohammad Nasim, Arif’s father.
He added: “We are not with any party. We simply want justice to be served. We will support any party that gets us justice.” According to the family that consists of Arif’s mother, Farzana Begum and his brother Amir Hamza (24), their son is an “innocent” boy in his early twenties who was picked up by the UP ATS while he was in Lucknow studying to take the CPMT. Mohammad Nasim says he has spent the best years of his life in the Gulf, working hard to make his family step out of the shackles of poverty. His eyes glistening with unshed tears, he told The Statesman: “I worked so hard for my family. I never once said no when my sons asked for a mobile phone or some other extravagance. There was no reason for a son of mine to take the wrong path for the sake of a few extra bucks.”
As Uttar Pradesh goes into election mode, only time will tell whether the “harassed” youths of Azamgarh find their way into the mainstream or not. With or without disclosing their names.
Labels: Azamgarh, Bihar, Indian elections and Muslim voters, Indian Muslims, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mayawati, Mulayam, Nitish Kumar, UP
